Thursday, May 23, 2013

LGBTQ vs. Straight Culture on Calvin College's Campus

PSYCH-151 Honors Diagnostic Research: LGBTQ vs. Control Relationship to Gender, Relationships, Religion, and Calvin's Campus Culture


I was first attracted to this project by a conversation I was having with a couple people on my floor about the various pressures and expectations they felt as women and as girlfriends. They were both straight, and fairly average Calvin girls in many ways, at that – one of them in particular was Dutch, CRC, smart, really wanted relationships (a lot), and was afraid that she wouldn't be able to attract the right spouse. Since I am a gay woman myself and usually only talk about relationships with other queer people, I was intrigued by the way she spoke about her desires and the expectations she felt, since these things seemed remarkably different in comparison to the tendencies I was familiar with from the LGBT culture on campus. So I set out to do a diagnostic survey using 25 students from KHvR as my control group (only one identified as “gay”) and 10 from SAGA as my test group (only one identified as “straight”). Although the small sample size clearly means that very few definitive answers can be pulled from my results, many of the results were very telling.

Firstly, I should note that several factors I believed would have at least a noticeable effect on answers to questions had little to no effect whatsoever. For example, male vs. female gender had very little effect on any answers (though males tended to be more extreme in their answers either way); the degree to which people's upbringing was conservative also had absolutely no correlation to LGBT versus straight identity; and no group (LGBT, straight, men, women) identified particularly more or less strongly with their gender. Although ability to relate to cultural portrayals of gender and relationships alike had much more variety, people's own attachment to gender identity was remarkably less variable – in fact, there was not a single answer among the 35 people surveyed that dropped below 3 for Question 9 – that is, no one surveyed, either among LGBT or control, said they did not feel connected to their gender identity. The only interesting relationship that emerged in relation to connection to gender identity was that there was a marked increase in the number of people that felt a strong desire to have a relationship like their parents' that also felt very connected to their gender identity, but the rest of the data points were evenly distributed even for this relationship, resulting in an insignificant Chi Square value.

Most people asked would probably answer that LGBT people would be much less likely to identify very strongly with their genders, since they often deviate from an established societal norm – it was only slightly less. What proved more relevant differences between LGBT individuals were the following:
  • Desire to be in a committed relationship by age 25
  • Desire to be more like same-gendered parent than other-gendered parent
  • Belief that “male” and “female” have clear, set meanings
  • Desire for Calvin College's campus culture to have less rigid expectations for the gender roles/presentations and relationship wants of its students
The straight control did still say more often than not that they did want Calvin's campus culture to have less rigid expectations for relationship desires and lifestyle plans of its students, but on every other matter, they seemed to be on opposite sides of neutral: LGBT students were neutral about marriage before age 25, where straight students wanted it more often than not; they were neutral about wanting to be in a committed relationship as soon as possible, where LGBT students answered “no” more frequently than not. Straight students felt more obligated than not to have relationships like their parents' (where LGBT students did not), were overwhelmingly less likely to change their religious classification over time, related to cultural portrayals of sex and gender (where LGBT students did not), and felt that “male” and “female” had rigid meanings (where LGBT decidedly did not). Straight students said they would feel more shame, external disapproval, and personal loss if they were not in a relationship by age 35, with the strange exception of gay men, who actually said they'd feel a greater personal loss. This is attributable to sample size, but there were several questions where the “gay/lesbian” demographic had much greater similarity to the “straight” demographic than the “bisexual” demographic.

For example, bisexuals unanimously did not want to have a relationship like their parents, while gays/lesbians did. They felt less strongly than gays/lesbians that “male” and “female” had clear meanings (in fact, they unanimously answered “strongly disagree”). They had less desire to be in a relationship quickly, believed they'd feel less loss/disapproval if they were not in a relationship by 35, and related less strongly to cultural portrayals of relationships/gender. An exception was that they unanimously said that they felt much more strongly connected to their gender identity than gays/lesbians, putting them closer to the straight demographic on that (and only that) term.

But as has been stated, many of these tendencies are easily attributable to small sample size. Broader correlations may provide greater insight. A significant positive correlation (Chi Square value < 0.03) was found between the extent to which people related to cultural portrayals of relationships and the extent to which they believed “male” and “female” have clear, set meanings, and an even more significant correlation ( < 0.01) was found between the extent to which people relate to cultural portrayals of gender and the extent to which they believed “male” and “female” have clear, set meanings. This certainly (and unsurprisingly) suggests that those with nonstandard or culturally-alienated genders are forced to recognize that gender doesn't fit into neat boxes, while those who align to stereotypes have less of a need to come to such conclusions. Perhaps more interestingly, there was also a significant relationship between the desire to be in a committed relationship as soon as possible and ability to relate to cultural portrayals of relationships, and, more significantly, to gender. This seems to say that gender-typical students have an even greater likelihood to feel pressure to be in a committed relationship as soon as possible than relationship-typical students, revealing a close link between people's relationships to their own genders and their romantic lives. That's further supported by the fact that those that believed that “male” and “female” have clear, set meanings were far more likely to want to be married by age 25 than those who did not. Though, again, some of this may be due to small sample size, such findings are increasingly believable evidence of the pervasive impact of culturally-reinforced rigid gender roles on straight culture.

As the out-LGBTQ population at Calvin continues to grow, I hope that avenues will open for conversations about gender and sexuality to take place between the respective cultures, because I genuinely believe much can be learned, particularly by straight students (since LGBT students generally already have so much exposure to straight culture). The conversation I had with my friends that sparked this study revealed many of the attitudes this survey confirmed: the “ring by spring” rush, the much stronger connection to parents and culture, greater pressure to be in relationships and conform to gender norms. Regardless of moral/Biblical views on homosexuality, looking through the eyes of a population that's increasingly present on campus and seems to differ fairly little from the average Calvin student in ways other than gender and sexuality could open up new possibilities and modes of thought for straight students to consider. At very least, I have seen it do so for many straight people I've known, and I have learned much from their stories, as well, as they open up. I would be very curious to see followup studies exploring the differences between gay/lesbian and bisexual students experiences of gender and sexuality, since the huge differences in this survey seemed to be indicative of small sample size, as well a a more in-depth look at the various social pressures generated from desires and expectations to be in certain types of relationships. As long as romantic relationships continue to be such a big part of Calvin's culture, it's hardly something we'll be able to ignore.

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